THE GREAT AWAKENING

The Great Awakening-In God We Trust

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Illinois' gas tax hikes: Pritzker did that

Illinois' gas tax hikes: Pritzker did that

Inspiration Spoiler Alert

Illinois Employers Will Face Expansive New Obligations in 2024

 
A plethora of federal, state and local employment laws will take effect in 2024. Here is what employers must know:
 
Federal Law
 
Department of Labor (DOL) Exemption Thresholds
 
On August 30, 2023, the DOL announced a notice of proposed rulemaking that would increase the salary basis threshold under the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) for “white collar” exemptions (executive, administrative and professional) from minimum wage and overtime requirements. The proposal would increase the salary exemption from $35,568 to $55,068 per year. The proposal would also increase the threshold salary for highly compensated employees from $107,432 to $143,988 per year. The DOL will likely publish a final rule in the first quarter of 2024.
 
For more on this proposal, see Gould & Ratner’s HR Blog here.
 
Illinois Law
 
Salary Transparency Requirements Under the Equal Pay Act
 
Effective January 1, 2025, employers with 15 or more employees must include pay ranges in postings for jobs in Illinois. This amendment to the Illinois Equal Pay Act will only apply when employers create job postings and will not require employers to make such postings in the first place.
 
The amendment requires covered employers to include “pay scale and benefits” in their job postings and defines that phrase as:
 
  • the wage or salary, or wage or salary range, and
  • a general description of the benefits and other compensation that the employer reasonably expects in good faith to offer for the position.
Benefits and other compensation include, but are not limited to:
 
  • bonuses,
  • stock options,
  • or other incentives the employer reasonably expects in good faith to offer for the position.
When an employer creates a job posting, it can provide the pay scale and benefits by including a hyperlink to a publicly available webpage that includes the pay scale and benefits. Employers may also satisfy the benefits posting requirement by posting a relevant and up-to-date general benefits description in an easily accessible, central and public location on the employer's website.
 
If an employer uses a third party (such as a recruiter or job posting website) to post, publish or otherwise make known a job posting, the employer must provide the third party with the pay scale and benefits or a hyperlink to them, which the third party must use in the job posting. A third party is liable for failing to post the required information unless it can demonstrate that the employer did not provide such information.
 
For more on Illinois’s salary transparency requirements, see Gould & Ratner’s HR Blog here.
 
Child Extended Bereavement Leave Act
 
Effective January 1, 2024, employees who experience the loss of a child by suicide or homicide may take unpaid bereavement leave under the Child Extended Bereavement Leave Act. Under the law, “child” means an employee’s biological, adopted or foster child, a stepchild, a legal ward, or a child of a person standing in loco parentis.
 
Employees of large employers (250 or more full-time employees in Illinois) may take up to 12 weeks of leave, while employees of small employers (at least 50, but less than 250, full-time employees in Illinois) may take up to 6 weeks of leave.
 
Child Extended Bereavement Leave may be taken in a single continuous period or intermittently in increments of at least four hours. Unlike leave under the Family Bereavement Leave Act, which requires leave to be taken within 60 days of notice of death, child extended bereavement leave may be taken within one year of when the employee notifies the employer of the loss. An employer may require reasonable documentation of the loss.
 
Employees entitled to take paid or unpaid leave (including family, medical, sick, annual, personal or similar leave) from employment, pursuant to federal, state or local law, a collective bargaining agreement, or an employment benefits program or plan may elect to substitute any period of such leave for an equivalent period of Child Extended Bereavement Leave.
 
Employee Blood and Organ Donation Leave Act
 
Effective January 1, 2024, the amended and renamed Employee Blood and Organ Donation Leave Act requires Illinois employers with at least 51 employees to provide employees who serve as organ donors with up to 10 days of paid leave in any 12-month period, in addition to providing employees with one hour of paid leave to donate blood every 56 days (which was required under the prior Employee Blood Donation Leave Act).
 
Paid Leave for All Workers Act
 
Effective January 1, 2024, covered employers under the Paid Leave for All Workers Act (PLAWA) must provide employees with up to 40 hours of paid leave during a 12-month period. The law applies to all private-sector employers, regardless of size, but exempts seasonal workers, as well as college students working temporary jobs for their universities. Note that PLAWA does not apply to employers covered under Chicago or Cook County paid leave/paid safe and sick leave ordinances (their employees will continue to be covered by those existing ordinances rather than PLAWA).
 
Importantly, for employers with existing paid leave programs (such as a PTO or vacation policy), that existing leave program will satisfy the requirements of the act if (1) employees have at least 40 hours of paid time off in a 12-month period and (2) can take leave for any reason.
 
Under PLAWA, employees can use paid leave for any reason, do not have to explain the reason for their absence and cannot be required to provide documentation or certification as proof or for support. Employers must permit employees to begin using their accrued paid time off no later than 90 days following commencement of their employment or 90 days following the effective date of the act, whichever is later. Employers can determine the minimum increment in which such leave can be taken if the minimum increment is not larger than two hours.
 
For more on Illinois’s Paid Leave Law, see Gould & Ratner’s HR Blog here.
 
Day and Temporary Labor Services Act
 
Effective August 4, 2023, the Illinois Day and Temporary Labor Services Act (DTLSA) was amended to include certain training requirements and a section requiring temporary workers assigned to work at a third-party client for more than 90 calendar days to be paid not less than the rate of pay and equivalent benefits as the third-party client’s lowest-paid, directly hired employee with the same level of seniority at the company who is performing the same or substantially similar work. In lieu of providing the actual benefits, the staffing agency may pay the hourly cash equivalent of the actual cost of the benefits.
 
Subsequent Amendment re: Equal Pay and Benefits
 
On November 9, 2023, the Illinois General Assembly passed HB3641, which among other things, amends the start date for the calculation of the 90 calendar days under the new equal pay and benefit section of the DTLSA. This amendment will mean that staffing agencies will not have to pay equal pay and benefits to temporary employees until they have actually worked for a third-party client for more than 90 workdays after April 1, 2024.
 
For more on the DTLSA amendments, see Gould & Ratner’s HR Blog here.
 
Freelance Worker Protection Act
 
Effective July 1, 2024, the Freelance Worker Protection Act (FWPA) provides new protections for “independent contractors” who contract with any (non-governmental) person or entity to provide products or services in Illinois, or with an entity located in Illinois, worth at least $500 (either in a single contract or in the aggregate of all contracts with a single entity) within a 120-day period.
 
Under the FWPA, the “contracting entity” must pay the freelance worker all compensation due under a contract within 30 days of the worker completing their contracted work (or an earlier date if determined by the contract). The statute bars a contracting entity from conditioning on-time payment to the freelance worker on their acceptance of less compensation than the amount of contracted compensation.
 
The FWPA also requires that contracts between freelance workers and contracting entities be in writing and include, at a minimum, the following information:
 
  • the name and contact information of both parties, including the contracting entity’s mailing address;
  • an itemization of all products and services the freelance worker will provide, including the value of the products and services and the rate and method of compensation for such products and services;
  • the date on which payment is due to the freelance worker or the mechanism by which the payment date will be determined; and
  • the date by which a freelance worker must submit a list of products or services rendered under the contract to the contracting entity if such a list is required to meet any internal processing deadlines of the contracting entity for the purposes of timely compensation.
The contracting entity must retain the contract for at least two years and make the contract available to the Illinois Department of Labor (IDOL) upon request. The IDOL will publish on its website model contracts in English and other common languages.
 
In addition, contracting entities may not threaten, intimidate, discipline, harass or deny a freelance opportunity to, or take any other action that penalizes a freelance worker for, or is reasonably likely to deter a freelance worker from, exercising or attempting to exercise any right guaranteed by the FWPA, or from obtaining a future work opportunity for exercising such right.
 
Illinois Personnel Record Review Act
 
Effective January 1, 2024, the Illinois Personnel Record Review Act (IPRRA) will remove certain restrictions for employees seeking to obtain copies of their personnel records. Under the amendment, employers must provide employees copies of their personnel records via email or mail even if the employee is able to inspect the records in person. Employers may still charge a fee for providing the requested records, limited to the actual cost of duplicating the materials.
 
HB 3733
 
Effective January 1, 2024, HB 3733, which also amended IPRRA, amends the Illinois Minimum Wage Law, Illinois Equal Pay Act, Illinois Wage Payment and Collection Act, Illinois Child Labor Law, and Illinois Day and Temporary Labor Services Act by requiring employers with employees who do not regularly report to a physical workplace to distribute the mandatory notices under these laws by:
 
  • email;
  • posting the materials conspicuously on the employer’s website, if the employer regularly uses the website to communicate work-related information to employees and employees can regularly access the website; or
  • posting the materials on the employer’s intranet site if the employer regularly uses the intranet site to communicate work-related information to employees and employees can regularly access the site.
Notably, the amendment states that the DTLSA requirement applies to day and temporary labor service agencies, not third-party clients. However, third-party clients should confirm that service agencies comply with these requirements, as they share legal responsibility and liability with such agencies under the law, including for the payment of wages under the Illinois Wage Payment and Collection Act and the Minimum Wage Law.
 
Chicago Ordinances
 
Effective December 31, 2023, Chicago’s Paid Leave and Paid Sick and Safe Leave Ordinance (the Ordinance) will replace Chicago’s current Paid Sick Leave Ordinance, which provided for up to 40 hours of paid sick leave.
 
The Ordinance requires employers with employees working in Chicago to provide up to 80 hours of paid leave per year, as follows:
 
  • Up to 40 hours of leave usable for any purpose (called Paid Leave), and
  • Up to 40 hours of leave for illness, injury or medical appointments (called Paid Sick Leave).
The changes for employers with employees in Chicago are significant and may impact existing paid leave, paid sick leave and “unlimited” paid time off policies.
 
For more on the Chicago Paid Leave and Paid Sick and Safe Leave Ordinance, see Gould & Ratner’s HR Blog here.
 
Cook County and 37 Surrounding Townships Ordinances
 
Transportation Benefits Program Act
 
Effective January 1, 2024, the Transportation Benefits Program Act (TBPA) will require that Illinois employers in 38 designated transit zones with 50 or employees at an address within one mile of a fixed-route transit service, and within designated transit zones to provide transit benefits to certain covered employees. Covered employees under the TBPA are full-time employees of a covered employer who work an average of at least 35 hours per week for compensation.
 
Under the TBPA, covered employers must provide a pre-tax commuter benefit to covered employees. The benefit must allow employees to use pre-tax dollars for the purchase of a transit pass via payroll deduction, so that the costs for transit pass purchases may be deducted from the employee’s taxable compensation up to the maximum amount permitted by Internal Revenue Code Section 132(f).
 
A covered employer may also comply with the TBPA by participating in a program offered by the Chicago Transit Authority or the Regional Transportation Authority.
 
 
Be Well, Be Blessed, Be Free and Be the Change you wish to see,
φ
David Stockman on Why Main Street Households Are Left High And Dry...
by David Stockman
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There should be no doubt that the UniParty has left main street households high and dry. During the past five years inflation-adjusted weekly earnings have barely limped forward at a 0.4% annual rate.

Self-evidently, the Fed’s pro-inflation policy has backfired. Rather than functioning as a stimulant to growth, it has ended up devouring nearly all of the modest nominal wage gains that have been realized by private sector workers in America.

Index of Inflation-Adjusted Average Weekly Earnings, January 2019 to January 2024

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Needless to say, this has been far from the case historically. In fact, real median family income grew at a robust 3.54% per annum between 1954 and 1969. But shortly thereafter, the Fed’s shackles were removed with respect to gold convertibility in August 1971, and it was off to the inflationary races from there.

During the next 53 years, family incomes barely won the footrace against the waves of inflation generated by the nation’s central bank. Real median family income rose by only 0.74% per annum between 1969 and 2022 or by just 21% of the 1954-1969 average.

That’s right. Median family income growth in inflation-adjusted terms has decelerated by four-fifths since 1969. So the question surely recurs: Did the lapse of fiscal and monetary policy into Keynesian deficits and money-printing actually stimulate the growth of main street living standards and real wealth?

Most surely it did not.

Real Median Family Income, 1954 to 1969.

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To be sure, we don’t believe the Fed is intentionally trying to monkey-hammer the middle class.  The explanation is actually both more direct and more sinister. To wit, especially since the arrival of Alan Greenspan at the Fed, the nation’s central bank has increasingly become the outright captive of Wall Street money shufflers and speculators.

Moreover, the latter is inherent in the Keynesian form of modern central banking because its policy transmission mechanism runs right through the canyons of Wall Street. The Fed’s policy-making arm, the FOMC, is not only located on Liberty Street at the foot of the financial district but utterly depends upon Wall Street traders of stocks, bonds, money and their derivatives to transmit its policy directives to the main street economy. That is to say, the Fed funds rate is the financial lever from which the Fed cascades price signals to the money and bond markets and from there to equities, real estate and other financial assets, which, in turn, are supposed to levitate the rate of investment and real growth on main street.

It was never intended to function in this round about manner, however. The original design of the Federal Reserve System as wrought by Carter Glass in 1913 operated through the main street banking system, not the Wall Street capital and money markets. Its essential mechanism of policy transmission was the discount windows of the 12 regional reserve banks.

But in this modality, the policy mechanism was essentially passive. It was not designed to steer the macroeconomy because Congressman Glass and his fellow legislators of that era fully understood that free market capitalism operating on gold standard money was fully capable of generating the maximum growth, prosperity and wealth available from the population and technology of the day.

Accordingly, there was no silly belief, as today, that capitalism was always on the verge of plunging into a black hole of recession or depression or that it was inherently incapable of reaching its "potential" GDP.  There was no need, therefore, for an arm of the state to target employment levels, real growth, capital investment, housing starts or inflation rates. All of that was understood to be the province of free men on free markets interreacting through the medium of sound money linked to an enduring weight of gold.

To the contrary, the remit of the Glassian Fed was far more modest and narrower. It was designed to keep the commercial banking system liquid during times of seasonal or financial stress by standing ready to discount sound commercial papers at a penalty rate of interest, which, in turn, floated above the ordinary free market rate.

Accordingly, the Fed was a rate taker, not a rate setter. And it was a lubricator of the commercial loan market, not the financier of government debt. And most of all, it was pro-market, not an incipient monetary politburo.

That made all the difference in the world. The Glassian Fed did not need to be clairvoyant about the economic future since the latter is impossible to know where even a modicum of free market choice and dynamics are operative. It therefore had no bias with respect to whether market interest rates were low, high or in-between at any given point in the business cycle. Nor did it fret about Wall Street based capital markets and the level of stock and bond prices, either.

By contrast, the essential business of Wall Street is speculation in existing financial assets, with the syndication and distribution of new stock and bond issues holding a distinctly secondary status in terms of activity levels and profitability. Consequently, speculators are inherently and irredeemably biased toward low, lower and still lower interest rates.

That’s because speculation in all its forms is ultimately based on the carry trades. That is, a positive spread between the financial cost of carrying a tradeable asset and the returns being earned upon that asset. And this includes, importantly, not merely so-called "cash" market stocks and bonds, but every form of futures and options derivatives, which are priced in part based on the implicit cost of money over their term.

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Beyond that, the yield curve pegged to the money market also sets the capitalization rate or valuation multiple for longer-duration assets. Self-evidently, therefore, speculators want the cost of money to go down since that reduces the funding cost of their trade on the liability side of balance sheets, even as it causes the market to bid up the valuation multiple of their asset.

The very greatest mistake of state economic policy, therefore, is to allow the central bank to become hostage to Wall Street speculators. Everywhere and always they will push central bankers to set rates lower for longer, or even less high for less time whenever inflation breakouts force them to apply the so-called monetary brakes.

For avoidance of doubt just consider a crucial ratio in that regard during the era since Greenspan went full retard with respect to the so-called "wealth effects" doctrine, which is just a conservative sounding cover story for money-printing. To wit, asset prices have soared by orders of magnitude more than wages and incomes, yet there would be no logical or sustainable basis for that on a sound money based free market.

Yet during the one-third century since Q3 1989, real median family incomes have risen by only 0.70% per annum, while the real net worth of households has increased by 3.18% per annum. That’s a ratio of 4.5X when for all intents and purposes it should have been 1.0X.

Needless to say, even in the scheme of honest capitalism, household asset and net worth holdings are not evenly distributed because contributions of work, enterprise, investment and invention are not evenly distributed, either.  But when the natural winners on the free market get an extraordinary boost from central bank-fostered inflation of financial assets, the spiral of ill-gotten gains can quickly compound upon itself, leading to egregiously unfair accumulations of net worth over time.

Thus, between Q3 1989 and Q3 2023, the net worth of the top 0.1% of households rose from $1.75 trillion to $19.85 trillion or by 11.3X. By contrast, the net worth of the bottom 50% of households rose from $0.71 trillion to $3.64 trillion or by just 5.1X.

The point is, the distributional pattern from the natural winners of capitalism was already in full force as of 1989. There is no reason at all why the net worth gain of the top 0.1% was more than double the relative gain of the bottom 50%. In fact, however, those that have the assets are far better positioned to engage in leveraged gambling with FU money than average households struggling to make ends meet in the face of the relentless goods and services inflation—a scourge embraced by the Fed as a matter of fundamental policy.

Accordingly, when these figures are put in the practical term of net worth per household the distortion becomes abundantly clear. In 1989 the 92,000 households comprising the top 0.1% had net worth of $18.86 million each. That was 1,230X the $15,300 average net worth of the bottom 50% or 46.4 million households.

However, the gain over the next 34 years was $138 million each for the top 0.1% or 131,000 households compared to the gain of $44,000 each for the bottom 50% or 65.7 million households. That’s a ratio of 3,175X.

In short, when it comes to central bank money printing owing to its captivity by Wall Street speculators and traders the old saying about the rich getting richer could not be more apropos.

Moreover, the data leave no doubt that the gains from financial asset inflation are systematically asymmetrical.  Over this 34-year period, net worth has increased as follows by wealth bracket:

  • Top 0.01%: +$18.1 trillion or 11.3X.
  • Next 0.99%: +$20.7 trillion or 8.1X.
  • Next 9%: +$43.6 trillion or 6.6X.
  • Next 40%: +$36.6 trillion or 6.0X.
  • Bottom 50%: +$2.9 trillion or 5.1X.

So the question recurs. What would happen if the Fed’s open-ended mandate owing to decades of mission creep were to revert to the Glassian Discount Window model?

We’d suggest several outcomes, all of which would be more than welcome.

  1. The banking system would remain liquid and safe.
  2. Economic growth and prosperity would be a function of the free market, which cannot be improved upon by the state in any event, as the record since 1987 amply proves.
  3. There would be no massive monetizaiton of government paper or explosive growth of the public debt because deficits would be honestly financed in the bond pits, causing crowding out, rising interest rates and potent political reactions.
  4. Inflation of both asset prices and goods and services on main street would end.
  5. The government contribution to the growing maldistribution of wealth would be eliminated.

What’s not to like about that?

Distribution of U.S. Household Wealth

Note: The share gains since 1990 have been concentrated in the top 0.1% and next tier of the top 1%.

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Editor’s Note: Whether it’s groceries, medical care, tuition, or rent, it seems the cost of everything is rising.

It’s an established trend in motion that is accelerating, and now approaching a breaking point.

At the same time, the world is facing a severe crisis on multiple fronts.

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